Samuel Sewall

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Samuel Sewall (March 28, 1652- January 1, 1730) was an American judge, merchant, writer, and diarist. Sewall is best known for sentencing twenty people to death at the Salem Witch Trials in 1692. However, despite his role in the Salem Witch Trials, Sewall later apologized in 1697 and admitted his error in sentencing twenty people to death. Sewall is also well known for publishing the first anti-slavery tract in New England, The Selling of Joseph: A Memorial (1700), and for a collection of diaries, covering years 1674-77 and 1685-1729 [1] which contain many details about his own life and life in 17th and 18th century Massachusetts although details of the Salem Witch Trials are few. [2] Sewall died in Massachusetts in 1730.

From Collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachussetts

Biography

Samuel Sewall was born in North Baddesley, United Kingdom on March 28, 1652 to parents Henry Sewall Jr., a minister and cattle farmer, and Jane Drummer. [3] Sewall moved with his parents to the United States at a young age and attended grammar school in Newbury, Mass. After grammar school, Sewall studied with a minister before attending Harvard University, where he graduated in 1671, and again in 1674 when he earned a master’s of arts. Afterwards, Sewall married a wealthy woman named Hannah Hull [2] and fathered fourteen children, five of whom survived. [2] Sewall, who held many jobs in his life including manager of a printing press, overseer at Harvard University, and a pillar of Boston's Old South Church, [2] initially became a merchant, but eventually changed his career to civic service and held his most famous job title as a judge. Sewall famously served as one of seven judges at the Salem Witch Trials, where he sentenced 20 people to death, although he later apologized for his decision. After the Salem Witch Trials, Sewall became a judge of the Superior Court of Massachusetts for twenty-five years. He also became chief justice, a position he then held for eleven years. Sewall, during his time as a judge, spoke out against slavery and was in favor of converting Native Americans to Christianity. He also wrote a pamphlet entitled Phaenomena quadem Apocalyptica ad aspectum Novi Orbis configurata in 1687, which argues “that New England was a suitable site for the new Jerusalem,” "Samuel Sewall." Almanac of Famous People. Gale, 2011. Biography in Context. Web. 4 Sept. 2014[1] and, in another pamphlet, Talitha Cumi, argued that women had souls and therefore could go to heaven (Sewall wrote in response to a writer in the British magazine Apollo who theorized that women would not be needed in heaven'). [3] In 1717, Hannah, his wife of 41 years died. Sewall married twice more. Sewall also tried unsuccessfully to court Katherine Winthrop, however, “her stipulations on his lifestyle and a marriage settlement caused him to break off negotiations.” [2] The telling of their failed courtship has been described in Sewall’s diary in one of his “most attractive episodes.” [4] Sewall died at his home in 1730 and was survived by his wife Mary Gibbs and five children. [3]

Involvement in the Salem Witch Trials

The hysteria of the witchcraft accusations and trials that became known as the Salem Witch Trials began in the early winter months of 1692, well before Samuel Sewall became involved. As the number of accused witches in Salem, Massachusetts grew and the jails began to overflow, the Governor's Council decided to convene in Salem on April 11, 1692. Samuel Sewall was summoned from his home in Boston to assist Deputy Governor Thomas Danforth, thus beginning his involvement in the witchcraft concerns of Salem. [5]

In May of 1692, the newly appointed governor, Sir William Phips, created a new court, a Court of Oyer and Terminer, in order to better handle the ever-growing witchcraft accusations. On May 27, Sewall learned he had been appointed to serve on the new court along with eight others and did not shy away from the duty. Despite being known as the Salem Witch Trials, the preliminary trials were conducted in several towns in Massachusetts; however, the Court of Oyer and Terminer, translated as "to hear and determine," located in Salem, became the most infamous court. Although this would be Sewall's first contact with witchcraft, the belief in witchcraft was prevalent in the seventeenth century, and was akin to a belief in God to many. [5] The first trail of the Court of Oyer and Terminer was that of middle-aged innkeeper, Bridget Oliver Bishop, who was found guilty and sentenced to death by hanging. Just one month after the creation of the court, one of the judges, Nathaniel Saltonstall resigned, believing the spectral evidence allowed into the court was not sufficient to sentence people to death. Sewall and the other judges, however, disagreed, probably swayed by the opinion of Chief Justice William Stoughton, and the court continued to accept spectral evidence. Between the creation of the new court in May and the halting of the trials in October, Sewall participated in the sentencing of twenty people for witchcraft, nineteen of which were hanged and one pressed to death. Still more accused died in jails awaiting trials and sentencing. [5]

By the time the court adjourned for what would be last time on September 22, 1692, public opinion regarding the trials had begun to sway. During the same autumn, many court documents pertaining to the trials were destroyed, and in early October, the Governor Phips officially disbanded the court. By then many well-off citizens had been accused of witchcraft, including Governor Phips own wife. However, the official vote by the Governor’s Council concerning the court was close, and many believed the court was still necessary. Governor Phips rewarded Sewall and several of the other judges for their service by appointing them as judges of the newly established Supreme Court of Judicature, now known as the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts. The new court did not accept spectral evidence. [5]

Perhaps the most notable phenomenon in Samuel Sewall's association with the Salem Witch Trials is his repentance years later. On January 14, 1697, Sewall repented and asked forgiveness for his participation in the trials publicly. Reverend Samuel Willard read Sewall’s statement aloud to the congregation: "Samuel Sewall, sensible that as to the guilt contracted upon the opening of the late Commission of Oyer and Terminer at Salem…desires to take the blame and shame of it, asking pardon of men, and especially desiring prayers that God, who has an unlimited authority, would pardon that sin and all other of his sins, personal and relative." [5]

Works

Samuel Sewall's formal literary involvement began when he was appointed manager of the Boston printing press in 1681. Sewall managed the press until 1684, during which time he oversaw the publication of works by Increase Mather, Samuel Seward, Urian Oakes, as well as an edition of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress (1681). [6] Years later he would see his own work published in the form of Phaenomen a quaedam Apocalyptica Ad Aspectum Novi Orbis configurata. Or, some few Lines towards a Description of the New Heaven. As It makes to those who stand upon the New Earth (1697). Sewall's other major works include The Selling of Joseph, A Memorial (1700), Proposals Touching the Accomplishment of Prophecies, Humbly Offered (1713), A Memorial Relating to the Kennebeck Indians (1721), [6] and Talitha Cumi. An Invitation to Women to look after their Inheritance in the Heavenly Mansions (1725), [5] along with a handful of works published posthumously. Among these posthumously published works are various of Sewall's letters and Sewall's Diary from 1674-1729, which William Matthews called "probably the best American diary." [6]

The Revolution in New England Justified

The Revolution in New England Justified was an approximately 60-page pamphlet co-written by Samuel Sewall and Massachusetts colonial secretary Edward Rawson. It was first printed in 1691[7]. The document is a logical justification[8] of New England Puritans’ revolt against then-Massachusetts governor Edmund Andros (a part of the Revolution of 1688)[9], who enforced several unpopular, “intolerable” acts. The pamphlet’s full title is The Revolution in New-England Justified, and the People There Vindicated from the Aspersions Cast Upon Them by Mr. John Palmer, in his Pretended Answer to the Declaration Published by the Inhabitants of Boston, and the Country Adjacent, on the Day When They Secured Their Late Suppressors, Who Acted by an Illegal and Arbitrary Commission from the Late King James. To Which Is Added, a Narrative of Proceedings of Sir Edmund Androsse and his Accomplices, Who Also Acted by an Illegal and Arbitrary Commission from the Late King James, During his Government in New England. The pamphlet was re-printed in 1773 by Isaiah Thomas in the midst of the Boston Tea Party[10].

Proposals Touching the Accomplishment of Prophecies

Sewall published Phaenomena quaedam Apocalyptica ad aspectum Novi Orbis configurata (subtitled some few Lines towards a Description of the New Heaven) in 1697 in response to biblical scholar Joseph Mede’s claim that the New World was some manifestation of Hell. Within, Sewall defends New England as a likely site for New Jerusalem, using the conversion of Native Americans as a point of argument. Sewall’s Proposals Touching the Accomplishment of Prophecies, Humbly Offered (1713) is a supplement to Phaenomena, and reiterated the millenarian ideas proposed in his previous tract. Delmer Davis highlights these two works as evidence of what he perceived to be Sewall’s flaws as an author, stating that Sewall’s tedious emphasis on logic and weak organization hampered his ability to effectively convey his convictions[11].

The Selling of Joseph

Sewall published The Selling of Joseph, a short anti-slavery pamphlet, on June 24, 1700 in Boston, MA. [12] It is widely regarded as the first publication condemning slavery in North America. Sewall, who was clearly an early abolitionist, also was against banning interracial marriage and favored sending slaves and former slaves back to Africa, although neither of these stances can be found in "The Selling of Joseph." [3]

Publication

In the 25 years prior to the publication of The Selling of Joseph, the number of slaves in Massachusetts had nearly doubled. [13] In addition, changes to the structure of Massachusetts’s government and the “rapid expansion” of transatlantic commercial trade contributed to a rise in Boston’s diversity.[12] Historians have noted that this rise in diversity “forced Bostonians to consider the moral and social costs of involuntary migration, coerced labor, and the commodification of human beings.”[12] It was in this climate that Sewall, partly inspired by a petition to free a slave and his wife,[14] wrote and published his biblically-minded anti-slavery pamphlet. Historians have considered Sewall’s pamphlet an anomaly for its time and a product of his strict religious views, rather than indicative of a larger anti-slavery movement.[12]

Summary

In The Selling of Joseph, Sewall’s opposition to slavery is grounded in his Puritan religion and in biblical verse. He alludes to the Biblical story (found in Genesis) of Joseph, a young man who possessed a coat of many colors. Jealous of the coat, his brothers stripped him and sold him to the Ishmaelites for twenty pieces of silver. [15] Sewall draws parallels between the biblical Joseph and the slaves brought to America, arguing, “There is no proportion between Twenty Pieces of Silver, and LIBERTY.” [16] In addition, Sewall claims that because all men are created equally by God as “sons of Adam,” then “Originally . . . there is no such thing as Slavery.” [16]

Furthermore, in a section titled “Caveat Emptor” (Latin for “buyer beware”), Sewall argues that Africans brought across the Atlantic under the miserable conditions of slavery cannot perform their duties fully and adequately – and are therefore not worth in labor what they cost to purchase. Sewall suggests the alternative of “White Servants for a Term of Years,” rather than “Slaves for Life.” [16] Though he argues that the English should have respect for every person’s “common humanity,” he, like many of his contemporaries, still emphasizes the racial “disparity” between Africans and the English, claiming, “They can never embody with us, and grow up into Orderly Families, to the Peopling of the Land.” [16]

Caveat Emptor

Although Sewall shows clear concerns regarding the enslavement of Africans and it’s pragmatic opposition to Christian doctrine, the introduction of sorts to his ‘objections’ also reveals that he has concerns with how slavery will affect England’s (and thus in extension, the colonies’) “Body Politick.” For many, slavery was seen as a solution to New England’s labor shortage. Sewall, however, rejects this notion because he does not find that slaves are beneficial in building a ‘new’ England. Sewall argues that the “Welfare of the Province” would be better off bringing over “white servants for a term of years” who, after their indentured servitude, could be integrated into the body politick so that the building of a province that closely resembles the metra-pole (in color of skin, at least) can continue. Although England did have African slaves pre-1700, these blacks were not England’s primary labor source. However, in 1700 in New England, Puritans numbered 90,000 and African slaves numbered 1,000, with African slaves steadily increasing in numbers and significance in New England’s budding socioeconomic structure. As an English-American, Sewall seems to be concerned that New England’s growing dependence on African slaves could build a political economy that is not “English.” Similarly, in his ‘introduction,’ Sewall also fears that if the enslavement of Africans continues, a people who “embody” English-Americaness will not populate New England. Sewall argues that even when African slaves are treated as indentured servants (set free after a certain number of years), their “Conditions, “Color & Hair” and seeming inability to form “orderly Families” make them ill candidates for “peopling the land.” Sewall recognizes that these male, black bodies have “taken up” the places of white, presumably European bodies, which can serve a purpose beyond labor—to marry white, Puritan woman, who will then produce children that he finds are more likely capable of embodying English-Americaness.


Objections

The second half of The Selling of Joseph consists of Sewall addressing four objections to the claims he makes throughout the essay.

Objection I.

In the first objection, Sewall tackles Genesis 9.25, 26, and 27, which read:

He said, "Cursed be Canaan! The lowest of slaves will he be to his brothers." He also said, "Blessed be the LORD, the God of Shem! May Canaan be the slave of Shem. May God extend the territory of Japheth; may Japheth live in the tents of Shem, and may Canaan be his slave." [17]

These lines, according to Sewall’s objection, are often used as evidence that "These Blackamores are of the Posterity of Cham, and therefore are under the Curse of Slavery." [16] However, in his first objection, Sewall this biblical justification of slavery, by simply asking “how do we know but that it is long since out of date?” [16]

Sewall goes on to assert that a cursory reading of the biblical text in question might have resulted in a mistaken interpretation. He notes that while Canaan was cursed, the Blackmores, or Africans, are actually descended from Cush, not Canaan. His evidence for this assertions is Psalm 68.31, “Princes shall come out of Egypt [Mizraim] Ethopia [Cush] shall soon stretch out her hands unto God” and also Jer. 13:23, “Can the Ethiopian change his skin?” [16] Sewall argues that these biblical verses prove that the African race is descended from Cush and has always been recognized by the color of their skin. He then transitions from biblical allusions to quote Ovid’s Metamorphoses, illustrated his familiarity with Latin poetry as well as the Bible. He writes that Ovid, not knowing the true answers from the Bible yet to be written, had a “fabulous” explanation for the black skin of the Africans: “Sanguine tum credunt in corpora summa vocato Æthiopum populos nigrum traxisse colorem,” [16] which can be translated as “It was then, so they believe, that the Ethiopians acquired their dark colour, since the blood was drawn to the surface of their bodies,” when the whole Earth was on fire. [18]

Objection II.

The second objection states that it is acceptable to own slaves because the Africans are “brought out of a Pagan Country, into places where the Gospel is Preached,” implying that slave owners are doing the Africans a favor by forcing them into slavery because it will ultimately lead to their Christianization.[19] Sewall refutes this claim by referencing the story of Jospeh, whose brothers wrongly sold him into slavery, and explaining that evil should not be done simply to get some good out of it.

Objection III.

Sewall introduces the third objection to his argument, which concentrates on the taking of lawful captives when Africans go to war with one another. He responds to this objection with a biblical reference to the story of Joseph and his brothers. By alluding to the story of Joseph and his unlawful selling into captivity by his brothers, Sewall establishes biblical parallels supporting his argument that the capturing and selling of people at war is unjust. He makes a second parallel by describing an interaction between slave traders, in which one trader feels unjustly dealt with by another. This second example continues Sewall’s argument that the entire enterprise is unlawful. Sewall goes on to claim that “by Receiving [the captives], we are in danger to promote, and partake in [the traders] Barbarous Cruelties” [17]. Sewall’s use of both biblical and contemporary examples gives authority to his position, and emphasizes his argument.

Objection IV.

In this section, Sewall answers those who object abolition on the grounds that "Abraham had servants bought with his Money, and born in his House"; in other words, that a man upon whom God's blessing and favor were evident in the Old Testament, a man whose faith Christians were encouraged to emulate, had owned slaves. To these Sewall answered, "Until the Circumstances of Abraham's purchase might be recorded, no Argument can be drawn from it. In the mean time, Charity obliges us to conclude, that He knew it was lawful and good." [16]

Sewall goes on to admonish readers to consider the issue in its larger biblical context. He references several verses in which "Israelites were strictly forbidden the buying or selling one another for Slaves," and reminding readers that their Christian calling was to rid themselves of selfish interests and look instead to what was in the best spiritual interest of their fellow man. For any still concerned with monetary loss, Sewall adds that any loss the Israelites might have suffered for obeying this instruction was always made up through God's blessings.

Sewall calls this answer to a close by reminding readers that Jesus had "altered the Measures of the Ancient Love-Song, and set it to a most Excellent New Tune, which all out to be ambitious of Learning." The "new tune" to which Sewall refers is characterized in his subsequent listing of verses:

Matthew 5:43-44 - You have heard that it was said, 'You shall love your neighbor and hate your enemy.' But I say to you, love your enemies, bless those who curse you, do good to those who hate you, and pray for those who spitefully use you and persecute you. [20]

John 13:34 - A new commandment I give to you, that you love one another; as I have loved you, that you also love one another. [20]

These verses are especially significant to Christians, for although Abraham had owned slaves, Jesus had subordinated himself even unto death for his fellow man, according to the biblical account. Essentially, Jesus - the son of God - was not only higher on the spiritual totem pole than Abraham - who was only human - but he had also given a new interpretation ("altered the Measures of the Ancient Love-Song") to many of the laws under which Israelites like Abraham had lived. [20] Therefore, it was Jesus' example, and not Abraham's, with which Christians should be primarily concerned.

Sewall ends this section with a powerful statement that "these Ethiopians, as black as they are; seeing they are the Sons and Daughters of the First Adam [Adam from the creation story in Genesis], the Brethren and Sister of the Last ADAM [Jesus Christ], and the Offspring of God; They ought to be treated with a Respect agreeable." [16]

Reception

A year after its publication, Massachusetts Superior Court Judge John Saffin attacked the pamphlet in his own publication: A Brief and Candid Answer to a late Printed Sheet, Entitled, The Selling of Joseph. [12][15] Like Sewall, Saffin relies largely on biblical reasoning to defend slavery. Saffin argues against Sewall’s position that God created all men equally, noting that Sewall “seems to invert the Order that God hath set in the World, who hath Ordained different degrees and orders of men, some to be High and Honourable, some to be Low and Despicable.”[15] He claims that slavery is natural, otherwise it and other social hierarchies could not exist. Saffin also references instances in which biblical figures held their own slaves, and he argues that Sewall’s opposition to slavery is impractical, given that Sewall himself states that freed slaves could not coexist with the English in America. [15] Cotton Mather, arguably New England’s most influential minister at the time, also disagreed with Sewall’s assertions, arguing that slaveholders had no obligation to free slaves who converted to Christianity.[3] Saffin and Cotton Mather’s comments indicate that Sewall's argument was not convincing, and Sewall’s work sunk quickly into obscurity. [12]

Though it was reprinted once in 1863, during the Civil War, only a single copy of the original edition survives and is held by the Massachusetts Historical Society. [14]

A Memorial Relating to the Kennebec Indians

Sewall’s involvement with the Indians in the Massachusetts area, though considerable, has been ignored by scholars in favor of other aspects of his life, such as the witch trials. Unlike many of his contemporaries, he was an advocate of the fair treatment and eventual Christianization of the American Indians.[21] Sewall's respect of oppressed minority groups is documented in other writings of his, such as The Selling of Joseph: A Memorial, where he states that “These Ethiopians, as black as they are; seeing they are the Sons and Daughters of the first Adam, the Brethren and Sister of the Last ADAM, and the Offspring of god; They ought to be treated with a Respect agreeable.”[22] However, his philanthropy towards the American Indians shows that he respected other American minority groups, not just African Americans.

Between the Pequot War and King Philip’s War, the effort to Christianize the Indians was under the leadership of John Eliot, the pastor of the Church at Roxbury.[21] He was a member of Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, a group focused on the Christianization of the Indians.[21] Sewall was the treasurer of this group, though he was interested in the efforts to Christianize the Indians even before his membership, as he believed that the American Indians were remnants of the lost tribes of Israel.[21] As treasurer, Sewall put aside pieces of land for Indians who agreed to convert to Christianity and maintain the land.[21]

In his “A Memorial Relating to the Kennebuck Indiance,” which was written in 1721, Sewall presented his views on the Indian problem. He acknowledged that the behavior of the Indians was enough reason to prosecute them for “their Rebellion,” such as their raiding parties and strife with the colonists, but Sewall thought that there were ways to settle the conflicts peacefully as opposed to sending out soldiers to fight the Indians. [23] One of his suggested solutions to the problem would be to create a boundary between lands used by the Indians and those used by the English. [23]

Talitha Cumi

Talitha Cumi: An Invitation to Women to Look After their Inheritance in the Heavenly Mansions (1725) was written in response to an article in the British Apollo which questioned whether women would inherit heaven alongside men. The notion that women might be excluded from heaven was despicable to Sewall, who was currently caring for his dying daughter, Hannah.[24] The responding essay's title, Talitha Cumi, references a biblical account found in Mark 5:41, in which Jesus - after healing a young girl - says to her, "maiden, arise!" In the essay, Sewall argues against "the society of gentlemen" who withhold the resurrection from women, asking whether God would deny a heavenly home to the Virgin Mary [25]. An oft-quoted passage from this essay which demonstrates Sewall's characteristic wit states, "If we should wait till the ancients are agreed in their opinions, neither men nor women would ever get to heaven." [26]

Sewall's Diary

As an author, Sewall is most widely recognized for his diaries. While diaries of prominent Puritan contemporaries such as Cotton Mather focus on spiritual experiences, Sewall’s diaries are more a meticulous account of the everyday goings-on of his personal life as a judge, merchant, father, husband, and citizen. As such, Sewall’s diaries provide a particularly personal look into Puritan life between 1674 and 1729, as well as a valuable account of life in Boston during this time period. Sewall’s diaries were first published in three volumes by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1878-82 [27] [28] [29].

Sewall and the Puritan Conscience

The idea of Puritan consciousness, as written by Perry Miller in his article The New England Conscience, established its foundations in what was known in medieval England as “the Agenbite of Inwyt”, or the “remorse of conscience” [30]. Within the New England culture of the 1600 and 1700’s, societal actions were dominated by a structured Puritan doctrine, which called specifically for the awareness of two primary notions. The first notion highlighted awareness of one’s need to persistently and objectively examine his soul to discover confirmation of rebirth, as to find acceptance into Puritan church and collective conscience [30]. The second established the notion that the true nature of a deed, good or sinful, was not a matter of external condition, but rather a result of one’s intention [30].

As a leading member of New England society, Samuel Sewall was a participant of the Puritan conscience, and helped perpetuated the ideals of the Puritan doctrine. Evidence of this is found in his actions following his involvement in the Salem Witch Trials. In the aftermath of his participation, Sewall stood before his congregation in humiliation, taking responsibility and blame for the wrongdoings he committed during the trials[30]. The deliberateness of his address expresses the New England conscience in its most pure form, as Sewall is “passing upon himself such a judgment as no earthly tribunal could phrase” [30]. Sewall continues in this manner of remorse of conscience in his textual works, specifically The Selling of Joseph. In his article, Sewall writes against the action of slavery, but keeps to Puritan ideals by highlighting the corrupted intentions of those who take part in the business: “How horrible is the Uncleanness, Mortality, if not Murder, that the Ships are guilty of that bring great Crouds of these miserable Men, and Women” [31]. Sewall continues this theme, highlighting the injustice of slavery and criticizing those who actively involve themselves in the business of it.


The Sewall Saffin Dialogue: The Beginning of the Anti-Slavery Movement

By the time Sewall published The Selling of Joseph, he was 48 years old and already a known political public figure. His call against slavery went unopposed until 1701, when Sewall directly affected the dealings of John Saffin, a local merchant and slave dealer [32].

Previously, in 1694, Saffin lent Thomas Shepherd land, cattle and a slave, Adam. When the deal was struck, Saffin had promised Adam his freedom in exchange for seven years of servitude to Shepherd. However, when it came time for Saffin to follow through with his promise, he refused to free Adam on the grounds that he had been “unsatisfactory” in his services [32]. Sewall offered his advice to his fellow judge, and advised that Saffin free Adam. Determined to retain control over his slave, Saffin did not heed Sewall’s advice and took his claim to the local court [32].

Here, Saffin used his influence to aid his case as he attempted to fix the jury [32]. However, Saffin’s attempt to sway the ruling of the court did not go unnoticed and he was greatly upset by the court’s decision to carry out the case for an additional year before settling on a ruling (42). Outraged, Saffin decided to publicly attack Sewall in his article, A Brief and Candid Answer to a late Printed Sheet, Entitled, The Selling of Joseph. In writing his article, Saffin had two goals: 1) To tear down Sewall’s argument against slavery and 2) To defend his actions concerning his slave, Adam [32].

Four years passed before Sewall responded to Saffin’s argument. Sewall published an article, Athenian Oracle, in which he argued that to capture and enslave a heathen was not becoming of a Christian [32]. Sewall concluded his argument with the notion that if a slave became a Christian, he was then to be, legally, set free. Meanwhile, a year after the publication of the Athenian Oracle, Cotton Mathers published The Negro Christianized, that argued for the saving of the slaves’ souls, rather than their legal liberation. Unfortunately for Sewall, the views of the general public agreed more with the ideas presented by Mathers and Saffin.

Although his works did not lead to the legal liberation of the slaves, Sewall’s efforts mark the beginning of the anti-slavery movement of the 18th century [32].

References


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  10. http://www.abaa.org/book/659443346
  11. Davis, Delmer I. CRITICAL EDITIONS OF SAMUEL SEWALL'S PHAENOMENA QUAEDAM APOCALYPTICA AND PROPOSALS TOUCHING THE ACCOMPLISHMENT OF PROPHESIES HUMBLY OFFERED. Boulder: ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, 1968. Web. 6 Sept. 2014.
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  13. Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery, p. 48-50. Cited in Peterson, Mark A. “The Selling of Joseph: Bostonians, Antislavery, and the Protestant International, 1689-1733.” Massachusetts Historical Review 4.1 (2002): 1-22. Web. [2]
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